斡旋中东局势布莱尔访美在乔治布什总统图书馆发表演讲(4)

As I say， the moment for decision on how to act is not yet with us. But to allow WMD to be developed by a state like Iraq without let or hindrance would be grossly to ignore the lessons of September 11 and we will not do it. The message to Saddam is clear： he has to let the inspectors back in， anyone， any time， any place that the international community demands.
Third， we should work hard to broker peace where conflict threatens a region's stability because we know the dangers of contagion. The plight of the Middle East would make the hardest heart break. Anyone with an ounce of humanity watching the current horrors unfold on TV screens across the world is willing the international community to help. To anyone familiar with Northern Ireland the pattern is sickeningly predictable. The political process breaks down. One side feeling oppressed and without political progress resorts to terror. The other， its innocent civilians dying in terrorist attacks， retaliates with force. So moderate opinion collapses. Terror reigns. Reprisals follow. Chaos and carnage are the result. There is no point in blame.
Of course， the Palestinians should stop the terrorism. They should have stopped it months ago. Of course Israel must withdraw from the Occupied Territories. But I give you my frank assessment from five years experience of what is now a reasonably successful process in Northern Ireland： there is no prospect of the bloodshed abating， unless everyone realises there is not and will never be an answer to this issue in solely military or violent terms. Unless the moderates have a political process， a vision of the future to aim for， they are powerless and the extremists move into the vacuum.
I congratulate President Bush on his timely and compelling statement last Thursday and I wish Colin Powell well. Two things are necessary now： an acceptance by all of the fixed points of principle for any final settlement - Israel， secure， its right to existence unchallenged in the Arab world； a viable Palestinian state for the Palestinian people； and a ceasefire agreed now， to let the political dialogue recommence. In monitoring any such ceasefire and in ensuring that the Palestinian Authority genuinely take action against the terrorists， we and others stand ready to help in any way we can. I know the deep-rooted objections to any outside help. But when the situation is as grim as it is now， only some external assistance can establish the minimum trust to get security back on the agenda in a realistic way. And without a proper ceasefire we can't even take the first steps.
I welcome too the peace initiative proposed by Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. I believe that in parallel with a ceasefire the principles he set out should be incorporated in a further UN Security Council Resolution as the way forward politically. Again， Northern Ireland taught me that you need a political vision of the final settlement and small practical steps going together， to get on the road to peace.
Above all， the Middle East requires continuous focus and engagement. The role of peacemaker， where hatreds are entrenched， is never easy. But it is massively in our interests to try.
The same is true of the dispute between India and Pakistan. Earlier this year， President Bush and I worked hard to get both nations to de-escalate the crisis. I remain very exercised about it. Once again the path through is clear： terrorism and confrontation must be replaced by dialogue and negotiation. I say publicly what I said privately to leaders of both nations. India and Pakistan are two big and powerful neighbours. To have their relations dominated by Kashmir - a relatively small part of the continent with 13 million people already divided by the Line of Control - is tragic when their common interests in regional security， trade， tackling poverty and economic development are so much more vital to their collective future.

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